German Europe’s ascendancy
German dominance of the European Union’s upper echelons has never been greater. All EU actors are, for now, the pawns of a “German Europe” that is stronger, and yet more vulnerable, than ever before.
During almost a decade in office, the German Chancellor has never been so prominent as now: first in energetically trying to settle the crisis in Ukraine, and then pokering with the newly elected government of Alexis Tsipras about Greek debt remission and whether Greece is to remain in the eurozone. There is no doubt about it: Angela Merkel is certainly the dominant figure in the European Union, prompting citizens and countries alike to start wondering who’s actually in charge of the EU.
Jean-Claude Juncker had intended to challenge Berlin’s leadership through his new commission. He had consciously conceived of it as a “political commission”, designed to influence economic policy in particular. Upon assuming office, he immediately countered Merkel’s austerity drive with the announcement of a programme of investment worth billions. Yet however keenly Juncker may stress his policy intentions, he remains well aware of the limits of his powers.
For more than ever before, Brussels is now influenced by German interests and strategies. Largely unnoticed by the public, Germany has taken over key positions in EU institutions and influenced structures that will also tie down Juncker’s self-assured commission. Europe not only speaks German, as CDU parliamentary group leader Volker Kauder proclaimed back in 2011, but thinks and acts in a German manner, and follows models and rules made in Germany too. Yet these rules have brought the EU neither growth nor stability. In fact, they also bear the seeds of conflict and failure.
Continue reading on “Eurozine”. The German version (original) can be found here.
Nemschak
29. April 2015 @ 19:36
There is no proof that alternative policies would have been more successful from a growth point of view. Anticyclical policies on a large scale would have required a fiscal union, which politically has no majority. To achieve a higher level of lasting growth reforms would be needed irrespective of any anticyclical deficit spending. Keynesianism has nothing to do with consistent budget deficits which have been the case since WW 2. According to Keynes budgets should be balanced across the business-cycle.